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According to local lore, the famous General Skobelev who led the Russians in the conquest of Turkestan created the first regimental brothels in Russia in the mid-nineteenth century, and the well-respected venerologist Veniamin Tarnovskii recommended this as an approach for all military units in the s. Police repression of prostitution continued from the late s throughout the Soviet period.

Petersburg province, Petersburg, unsurprising given the proximity of the region to the predominantly Lutheran Baltic provinces and Finland. The Prostitutes Kronstadt of Russian Orthodox prostitutes stayed relatively constant across the two regions around 83—87 per cent. Petersburg had the highest proportion of Jewish prostitutes, but at 0. Once again, for the Soviet period, the dearth of statistical information makes it difficult to draw conclusions about the ethnic and religious makeup of prostitutes.

The Soviet state, officially a militantly atheist one, no longer collected information on the religious backgrounds of its citizens, which were supposedly non-existent. In contemporary Moscow, the ethnic stratification of prostitution appears to map closely onto the hierarchy within sex work itself. Prostitutes Kronstadt to ethnographic research from the s and early s, the highest-class hotel prostitutes tend to be ethnically Russian the most privileged ethnic group generally while the lowest rung, the bomzhi in the Prostitutes Kronstadt stations and truck stops, are usually non-Muscovites and often non-Russian migrants from former Soviet Prostitutes Kronstadt.

The most common path to prostitution in the nineteenth century was by way of domestic service. Prostitutes Kronstadt inthe doctor V. Bronner and jurist A. Elistratov claimed on the basis of the All-Russian census that, in that year, 6 per cent of domestic servants became prostitutes compared with 4.

The second most common employment background for women working as prostitutes was the needle trades, which despite requiring considerable skill Prostitutes Kronstadt years of experience, paid barely subsistence wages women made 64 per cent of what men did in these trades.

As Barbara Alpern Engel has noted, this group was the only one in which Prostitutes Kronstadt proportion among prostitutes was smaller than their proportion in the female workforce as a whole around 20 per cent in However, there was always a large oversupply of female migrants to Prostitutes Kronstadt city looking for factory Prostitutes Kronstadt relative to the number of jobs available.

The ranks of St. Petersburg and Moscow prostitutes likely contained a large number of women who were aspiring, but had never been actual, factory workers.

Concern about sex work among vagrant and homeless juveniles Prostitutes Kronstadt to the notion that many who ended up prostitutes came from broken homes and financially unstable backgrounds. Dubrovskii also gives us figures on the percentage of Prostitutes Kronstadt who were married, widowed or divorced at the time of the survey.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, the vast majority of prostitutes were unmarried. In Moscow province, 91 per cent of brothel prostitutes were unmarried, 7 per cent Prostitutes Kronstadt married, 2 per cent were widowed and 0.

Petersburg province, 95 per cent of brothel prostitutes Prostitutes Kronstadt unmarried, Prostitutes Kronstadt per cent were married, 1.

In the chaotic years of the revolution and civil war, and the ensuing famine of Prostitutes Kronstadt early Prostitutes Kronstadt, observers claimed that homeless orphans were flooding the streets of the capital then Moscow in particular. Commentators claimed that the number of child prostitutes had increased twenty-fold. Although we lack any quantitative data on the ages of prostitutes in Moscow and St.

Petersburg in the eighteenth century, we do know that the image of Prostitutes Kronstadt very young woman with an older man was a popular trope signalling prostitution in the woodcut prints lubki of the period. In Moscow, the median age of brothel prostitutes was 23, while that of street prostitutes was slightly lower at Petersburg, the median age of registered prostitutes was noticeably higher, at 25 for brothel prostitutes Prostitutes Kronstadt 24 for street prostitutes.

Nonetheless, it is important to note that this excludes all clandestine prostitutes; furthermore, women and girls may well have Prostitutes Kronstadt over-reporting their age in order to be able to legally sell sex.

In the Ministry of Internal Affairs published a circular forbidding any Medical-Police Committees from registering a woman under the age of 18, which does suggest that prior to that moment this had been an acceptable practice. An important factor in the length of time that registered women spent in prostitution was the fact of registration itself, as it was difficult to be taken off the list of Prostitutes Kronstadt which the police kept ostensibly to protect public health.

Formally, women had to die, enter a philanthropic shelter for reformed prostitutes, or marry to be taken off the list, a factor that could both inflate Prostitutes Kronstadt numbers of women police believed to be in prostitution, and act as a disincentive for women to change professions in the first place. As Laurie Bernstein has pointed out, however, police records show that many women simply disappeared from registered prostitution, somehow evading inspection by starting new families or bribing officials for new documents, untainted by the shame of the yellow ticket.

The utmost Care ought to be taken for the Health of the Citizens. It would be highly Prostitutes Kronstadt, therefore, to stop the Progress of this Disease by the Laws. Historian John T. As noted above, a perceived prevalence of venereal diseases among prostitutes was the major motivating factor behind introducing regulation.

Throughout the Prostitutes Kronstadt and early twentieth centuries, prostitutes were consistently associated with disease and Prostitutes Kronstadt danger. Statistical studies of registered prostitutes in the late nineteenth century suggest the number of prostitutes with venereal diseases was reasonably high.

According to Dubrovskii, inof brothel prostitutes in Moscow city, 68 per cent currently had or had previously contracted syphilis and other venereal diseases, while 91 63 per cent of street prostitutes were in the same position.

Petersburg, 85 per cent of brothel prostitutes had or had Prostitutes Kronstadt contracted venereal Prostitutes Kronstadt, while 63 per cent of street prostitutes had. Petersburg, something that went counter to the claims of pro-regulationists such as Aleksandr Federov who saw street prostitutes as most likely to spread disease amongst the population. In contemporary Russia, the prevalence of venereal diseases among prostitutes, particularly hiv and aidshas once again become a frequent topic of discussion among public health experts.

A study found that venereal diseases, in particular syphilis, were especially common amongst the lowest strata of prostitutes in Moscow, the bomzhi who work in the railway stations and truck stops a local clinic reported that 54 per cent of the sex workers they saw were infected with venereal diseases. This situation was compounded by the socially Prostitutes Kronstadt position of many of these women, as they did not have legal residence permits for Moscow.

The growth of Russian cities occurred later than the traditional chronology of urbanization in Prostitutes Kronstadt Europe, although by the end of the nineteenth century, migration from the fields to the city was in full swing. In the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Russian cities were primarily Prostitutes Kronstadt juridically according to their military, political, and cultural Prostitutes Kronstadt.

Indeed, prominent Russian social historian Boris Mironov has argued that the second half of the eighteenth century saw a considerable decline in urban populations, as many members of the urban estates re migrated to the countryside to work in agriculture.

Petersburg themselves constituted partial exceptions to this rule; movement to the two capitals for trade, business, or government service was facilitated by special rules which provided for temporary residence in the cities for people taking up employment.

The emancipation of the serfs in raised the hope that restrictions on peasant movements to the cities would be lifted, although this was not a promise on which the Prostitutes Kronstadt followed through quickly.

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Initially, the freed serfs were still tied to their land by crippling redemption payments and collective responsibility to the mir or village commune.

However, the increased pull of job opportunities in rapidly industrializing Russian cities, not least of which were Moscow and St. In the mids, a series of reforms changed passport laws, easing travel restrictions and allowing individuals to move within the county uezd in which they lived without special permission for up to six months.

Petersburg provinces were the two most urbanized in the country, with 75 per cent of St. The high point of Russian urbanization and industrialization would come, however, in the Soviet period, particularly during the great transformation of Stalinism. Soviet authorities, like their imperial predecessors, were very concerned with preventing unauthorized movement to the cities. Unsurprisingly, these social phenomena played an enormous role in structuring the growth, geography, and practices of prostitution in Moscow and St.

As Barbara Alpern Engel has argued, the years between serf emancipation and the Russian Prostitutes Kronstadt saw an unprecedented number of unattached women travel from the village to the city.

Despite rapidly growing industry, the demand for jobs far outstripped the supply, and in need of cash many women turned to casual or Prostitutes Kronstadt registered prostitution, or a more temporary exchange of sexual services for small amounts of money, food, Prostitutes Kronstadt warm clothing. His information shows that, for example, of 1, prostitutes registered in Moscow inonly were born in Moscow guberniiaand Prostitutes Kronstadt from other guberniia within Russia, while 45 were not Russian subjects.

Petersburg, the difference was less striking if nonetheless significant; of 2, registered prostitutes in the city, came from St. Petersburg province, 1, came from other provinces, Prostitutes Kronstadt seventy-two were from outside the empire. Petersburg, but also from much farther afield. This was an important development particularly when we bear in mind the great distances that had to be travelled between provinces Prostitutes Kronstadt the vast Russian Empire.

As noted above, poverty brought on by unemployment and a sundering of ties to traditional networks of support led many women to prostitution in the late Prostitutes Kronstadt period. A Prostitutes Kronstadt of early twentieth-century commentators attributed the apparent surge in prostitution to the comparatively impoverished position of female workers.

Arguably, the influence of pauperization and proletarianization on the sexual economy was even greater in the early Soviet period, when the enormous upheavals of revolution, civil war, collectivization, and rapid industrialization produced an underclass of disenfranchised women who sold sex in order to survive.

At Prostitutes Kronstadt, during and immediately after the Civil War, Prostitutes Kronstadt women and men left the cities, often starving for want of supplies cut Prostitutes Kronstadt by war, and returned to the land where they could eke out a living.

Thus for example, the population of St. Petersburg fell from 2. This in turn led to a major housing crisis, as the housing in both Moscow and Prostitutes Kronstadt. Petersburg was nowhere near sufficient for the number Prostitutes Kronstadt people trying to Prostitutes Kronstadt in the cities.

In the post-Soviet period, high rates of unemployment for women is a frequently cited factor for a perceived Prostitutes Kronstadt in sex work in both Moscow and St. As in the imperial and Soviet periods, unemployment and female poverty in the Prostitutes Kronstadt are strongly linked to migration, both from less economically developed areas in Russia and from former Soviet countries.

A study of prostitution in Moscow found that almost all sex workers in the city were not legal residents and therefore had very few opportunities to find other employment or gain access to government services, a fact that heavily influenced their likelihood to go into sex work.

In the nineteenth century, many commentators worried that regulation of prostitution in urban centres, begun inwas failing to properly protect itinerant soldiers, and ad hoc regulation was common in barrack towns and camps. According to local lore, the famous General Skobelev who led the Russians in the conquest of Turkestan created the Prostitutes Kronstadt regimental brothels Prostitutes Kronstadt Russia in the mid-nineteenth century, and the well-respected venerologist Veniamin Tarnovskii recommended this as an approach Prostitutes Kronstadt all military units in the s.

Reflecting on the evolution of regulation in the Empire, an early twentieth-century observer credited the high concentration of local Medical-Police Committees on the western border to the similarly high concentration of military barracks on this heavily Prostitutes Kronstadt frontier with the rest of Europe.

A key example of the desire to regulate prostitution more heavily around military barracks, as well as the role of the military in Prostitutes Kronstadt sexual commerce in its environs, Prostitutes Kronstadt the case of Prostitutes Kronstadt. Founded inthe same year as Petersburg itself, Kronstadt was entirely devoted to the maintenance of the navy.

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This can be compared with Moscow, which had a population of aroundProstitutes Kronstadt this period, and where the 1, registered prostitutes Prostitutes Kronstadt thus made up 0. Despite the heavy emphasis on registration around military barracks and especially in times of warnineteenth-century commentators noted the continued high rates of venereal diseases in the armed forces, a factor driving calls for even greater surveillance of women in military areas.

In Prostitutes Kronstadt, syphilis was the second most common illness in the army, with around 5 per cent of soldiers suffering from it, constituting Prostitutes Kronstadt In the Soviet period, protection of the army from venereal diseases continued to be a major concern. In the early years of the Russian Civil War, from —, venereal diseases were a major cause of casualties, ranking alongside typhus and smallpox as the most deadly diseases on the front.

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Much of the historical data we have on prostitution in Moscow and St. Petersburg suggests that pimps and madams were a common and central part of the organization of sex work. Madams had to be women thus supposedly protecting prostitutes from exploitation by men and different regulations across the nineteenth century stipulated minimum ages for madams, which were generally above Nonetheless, anecdotal evidence suggests it was common. In the Soviet period, both pimping and brothel-keeping were crimes.

Studies suggest that a Prostitutes Kronstadt number of contemporary prostitutes in Moscow and St. Petersburg work Prostitutes Kronstadt pimps.

Engaging in prostitution is not prohibited by the Russian Criminal Code, but it continues to Prostitutes Kronstadt closely linked to other criminal activities including drug trafficking. There is not a strong tradition of sex work Prostitutes Kronstadt or unionization in either Moscow or St. In the late imperial period, there were few instances in the official record in which prostitutes, so long an object of analysis for bureaucrats, police, philanthropists, Prostitutes Kronstadt social commentators, spoke back.

One that stands out, however, occurred in when a group of sixty-three prostitutes signed a petition that they then sent to the First All-Russian Congress on the Struggle against the Trade in Women in St. The Russian Society for the Defense of Women had organized Prostitutes Kronstadt Congress and, although it had invited a broad Prostitutes Kronstadt of social activists involved in questions about prostitution medical society representatives, government bureaucrats, university professors, feminists, temperance organizations, and delegates from district and municipal councilsit had not invited any actual sex workers.

As Prostitutes Kronstadt women pointed out, the entire burden of protection against venereal Prostitutes Kronstadt was laid on the women themselves, and their own health was constantly placed at risk. In contemporary Russia, efforts to unionize have generally faced tough opposition by the government and legal Prostitutes Kronstadt. Organizations such as the St.

Much of our image of prostitute culture comes from the records of brothel prostitutes from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, as they are much more present in the historical record than either the criminalized women who preceded them or the street prostitutes of their own time. However, by extrapolating from this information we can make inferences about earlier or less legible sex workers as well.

The history of the city-fortress of Kronstadt, Fort Paul, Fort Kronslot, In parallel with drunkenness, prostitution also flourished on the island. Prostitutes Kronstadt, Skank in (RU). Left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks. All possible assistance to the Congress of Members of the Constituent Assembly.

For example, Prostitutes Kronstadt know from the data cited above as well Prostitutes Kronstadt the structuring factor of urbanization that most prostitutes were new arrivals to St. Petersburg and Moscow, and they were peasant migrants from villages. Accordingly, many of the rituals associated with brothel life came from peasant folklore.

For example, prostitutes and madams were said to invite seers and wise women to eject bad spirits from their establishments in order to attract more and wealthier clients. Commentators in the nineteenth century Prostitutes Kronstadt claimed to perceive a strong tendency among brothel prostitutes to form same-sex relationships within the brothel.

While sociologists and venerologists in Western Europe less commonly observed this, in Russia it appeared in the writings of physician Boris Bentovin and gynaecologist Ippolit Tarnovskii. Tarnovskii believed that it demonstrated disgust with men on the part of prostitutes, motivated by their experience of Prostitutes Kronstadt.

As noted above, prostitution went through a variety of legal frameworks in Moscow and St. Petersburg from to the present day. Throughout this period, but especially from with the dawn of regulation and continuing through the Soviet period despite official denials that prostitution existedProstitutes Kronstadt Russian state showed an abiding interest in careful control of commercial sex. Operating symbiotically with this state attention to commercial sex was a deep concern on the part of Prostitutes Kronstadt actors, particularly the Church and, increasingly throughout the nineteenth century, non-governmental social welfare groups.

The Russian Orthodox Church, the official church of the empire starting with the creation of the Holy Synod by Peter the Great intook a generally dim Prostitutes Kronstadt of any form of adultery or sex outside of marriage, which included commercial Prostitutes Kronstadt. In the early nineteenth century, people affiliated Prostitutes Kronstadt both Russian Orthodox and Lutheran churches were among the first to set up shelters and reformatories for prostitutes in St.

Petersburg, ushering in a growing movement to Prostitutes Kronstadt both charity and moral uplift for women who would otherwise be prostitutes.

Prostitutes Kronstadt by two Lutheran women Prostitutes Kronstadt This fostered the formation of a number of non-governmental associations that focused on the question of prostitution, the most prominent of which was the Russian Society for the Defense of Women Rossiiskoe Obshchestvo Zashchity Zhenshchin or ROZZh founded in In it helped convene the first All-Russian Congress on the Struggle against the Traffic in Women, which attracted over participants and resulted in the publication of a two-volume collection of conference proceedings examining in depth the social problems Prostitutes Kronstadt prostitution in Russia.

Women working as prostitutes in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Russia did not, however, only receive pity. They were also the subject of considerable censure and marginalization in a society that was highly disapproving of commercial sex. According to the official Prostitutes Kronstadt of Internal Affairs regulations on registered brothels, no brothels could be within a certain distance of a school, Prostitutes Kronstadt church, or heavily residential areas the exact distance stipulated waxed and waned over the course of the nineteenth century.

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The archival records of the St. In the early Soviet period, this image of the prostitute as a victim was only strengthened, although now the primary victimizer was not a nefarious criminal or pimp, but capitalism itself which drove women into poverty and thus forced them to sell sex Prostitutes Kronstadt a living. This interpretation of the causes of prostitution was indeed in accordance with much of the social data from the nineteenth century as evidenced by the discussions above of the prevalence of former domestic servants and illiterate women among the ranks of prostitutes.

However, it also Prostitutes Kronstadt to the corollary claim that with the transition from capitalism to communism, prostitution would per force disappear. As a result of this ideological shift, by the late s prostitutes began to be seen Prostitutes Kronstadt so much as victims of fortune but as obnoxious evidence of the failure of Soviet society to remake economic relations and build real existing socialism.

Its continuation proved an analytic problem, however: in a society purported to have shed the vestiges of capitalism, Prostitutes Kronstadt old explanation of prostitution as a result of economic inequality raised thorny questions.

As historian Elizabeth Waters noted, most commentators solved Prostitutes Kronstadt by reworking the classic Soviet understanding of prostitution as an economic problem and labelling it a moral failing instead; specifically, a moral failing Prostitutes Kronstadt the part of the prostitutes themselves.

An examination of the history of prostitution in Russia demonstrates the deep ahistoricity of the cultural assumptions that link the spread of prostitution and especially migrant prostitution with the fall of the Soviet Union. The lack of historical research on commercial sex in the Soviet period Prostitutes Kronstadt particular, when prostitution was deemed to have been eradicated but archival glimpses suggest otherwisearguably contributes to the contemporary wilful blindness towards prostitution as a part of the everyday fabric of Russian life.

Such attitudes are not new. As this survey demonstrates, the shifting Russian definitions of and approaches to prostitution in both religious and secular contexts Prostitutes Kronstadt generally shared one abiding characteristic: an insistence that the sale of sex is something deviant that Prostitutes Kronstadt to either be tightly regulated or entirely prohibited. Despite their loudly proclaimed plan to abolish punitive sanctions on Prostitutes Kronstadt who sold sex, to be replaced by economic and social initiatives that would remove the need to do so, successive Soviet governments subjected suspected Prostitutes Kronstadt to state Prostitutes Kronstadt as violent as the imperial police, if not more so.

Ambivalence towards commercial sex in Russia continues, even as the figure of the sex worker with Prostitutes Kronstadt heart of gold, from Sonia Marmeladova to the Interdevochkaremains one of the most famous and abiding Prostitutes Kronstadt in Russian literature and culture.

Lebina and Mikhail V. Shkarovskii, Prostitutsiia v Peterburge e gg xix v—e gg. On Prostitutes Kronstadt discourse of full employment see David L. Engaging in prostitution is administratively prohibited under article 6. Enticing another person into prostitution, or organising Prostitutes Kronstadt prostitution of others, is a criminal offence punishable by a jail term, as per articles and of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation Ugolovnyi Kodeks Rossiiskoi Federatsii.

Petersburg,pp.

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Bolshaia Sovetskaia Entsiklopediia pod redaktsii N. Bukharina i Glavnyi Redaktor O. Prostitutes Kronstadt65 vols Moscow, —xlviip. Bolshaia Sovetskaia Entsiklopediia Prostitutes Kronstadt, 51 vols —xxxvp. Bolshaia Sovetskaia Entsiklopediia glav. Prohkorov31 vols Moscow, —xxip. Dubrovskii ed. Prostitutes Kronstadt, Prostitutsiia v Rossii s xviii veka do godap. For a thorough description of the various legal forms regulation could take in Russian cities, see Vrachebno-Politseiskii Nadzor za Gorodskoi Prostitutsiei St.

Petersburg, Dubrovskii, Statistikapp. It Prostitutes Kronstadt important to note that the historic value of the ruble is notoriously difficult to pin down, particularly as there were three rubles in circulation in the nineteenth century: the gold ruble, the silver ruble, and the assignat credit ruble. Although such flaws in the data make it difficult to delineate the purchasing power of the ruble in this period, we can compare these prices to, for example, Prostitutes Kronstadt average wages for a female factory worker.

In the s, this rose to between twelve and Prostitutes Kronstadt rubles per month, considerably higher than it had been in the previous decade.

Lebina and Shkarovskii, Prostitutsiia v Peterburge 40gg xix v—40gg xx v Moscow, Segvi Aral et al. See for example M. Dubrovskii, StatistikaPart iipp. Prostitutes Kronstadt in John T. See for example O. On the Stolypin reforms, see Abraham Ascher, P. Julie A. Stachowiak et al. Petersburg, Prostitutes Kronstadt, p. This information is based on the Prostitutes Kronstadt later All-Russian Census of Roger R.

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